Category Archives: On Law

Media ‘war’ in Buenos Aires

The media specialist at the United States Embassy in Buenos Aires was engaged in a typical diplomatic exercise: Placing an opinion article from the newly arrived U.S. ambassador in the local media as a way to greet and thank the host country.

The messages are usually the same. They go something like: “I am enthusiastic about this assignment, love the country and am impressed by its people.” In Argentina, though, nothing is typical. Amid what everyone calls a “guerra,” or war, between media and the current administration of President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the location of such a benign article is fraught with danger.

Give it to the outright opposition media – in this case the giant media conglomerate Clarín – and the government would likely read it as a political affront. Hand it to the pro-government end of the media spectrum and the U.S. might look like a lapdog.

In this case, the Embassy chose La Nación, a large newspaper that is critical of the current government, but strives to be an independent voice that openly looks to respected U.S. newspapers as a model.

There was another layer to the decision. The U.S. and Argentina are in their own extended period of diplomatic dysfunctionality. While not outright confrontation, such as between the U.S. and Venezuela, the relationship still is far from warm. For instance, newly appointed U.S. Ambassador Noah B. Mamet was not given a presidential reception. The newly arrived ambassador from China was. Point taken.

U.S. Embassy political staff openly call the relationship “difficult” and refer to President Kirchner’s style as one of “confrontation.” The Argentine government has made the gringos to the north a regular scapegoat for myriad problems. The president went so far at to suggest last October that if someone were to do her harm, Argentines should look to the north – meaning Washington – for the likely culprit.

One local newspaper called it an “unprecedented escalation of tensions” between the two countries since 2003 when the Kirchners rose to power (Cristina’s husband Nestor was elected in 2003). The comment revealed not only what critics call the self-obsessed nature of the Argentine president, but also a warped perspective of the importance of this country, which seems a long way from any of America’s strategic needs or interests.

One might reasonably ask: Does the relationship matter? There was a time when the issues that concern the U.S. and those that concern Argentina were so far apart that a healthy relationship seemed not only a distant prospect, but almost irrelevant.

When the Argentine economy collapsed in debt it could not pay in 2001, the U.S. and the rest of the world folded their arms and watched the train wreck. When the U.S. suffered its own economic meltdown in 2008, Argentina – unlike Europe – scarcely noticed, buoyed by strong commodity prices for its key exports. Both periods seemed reflective of what historians here see as a long history of the two countries always seeming to be a bit out of sync with each other, rarely arriving at moments of mutual interest.

However, a dramatic, made-for-Hollywood political scandal has changed the nature of the relationship. The death of prosecutor Alberto Nisman earlier this year, days after he leveled explosive charges against the president and others, has not only put the country in conspiracy hyper-drive, which takes some doing in a culture that has made an art form of that, but brought the country into a nexus of issues that preoccupy Washington, namely, the Middle East and terrorism.

Those hot button issues came together in the 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, which killed 85. Nisman claimed Kirchner was involved in a devil’s bargain to shield Iranian officials charged with the bombing from prosecution in exchange for oil. A scriptwriter could not have penned the next scene any better or more tragically. In the days before he was to appear before Congress to explain his allegations, Nisman told Clarín: “I might get out of this dead.”

The day before his appearance before Congress, Nisman’s body was found with a gunshot to the head in his Buenos Aires apartment. Was it suicide, induced suicide or murder? Nisman’s ex-wife, a judge, concluded after her own private investigation of his death that it was not suicide. Nisman’s original case against the President seems to have run its course in the Argentina justice system, with the highest criminal court refusing to hear it.

The Casa Rosada has denied the Nisman allegations and following Nisman’s death has spun suspicions about his personal life and motivations, rather than bringing any clarity to the cause of his death. The media continue to press the case, with rarely a day going by when the Nisman story does not populate the front pages and broadcast media.

But as often as not, the case seems just the latest ground on which the media and the Kirchner administration chew up each other.

The sour relationship between media and the administration is centered in the open warfare between Clarín and the Kirchners. The relationship ruptured in 2008 when Clarín sided with the farmers in their opposition to the administration’s tax plans. In 2009 the government introduced a media law that took aim at Clarín and its dominance in a range of media platforms and markets.

“It was probably the right thing to increase competition and provide space for smaller players,” said a veteran foreign correspondent who has worked here for more than a decade. “But as usual in Argentina, the context of it happening in a war with Clarín made it suspect. Right things done in the wrong context can undermine the purpose and the acceptance of a good law.” In other words, the law looked like an act of revenge.

The Argentines will elect a new president in October and U.S. officials are optimistic.  “There will be a sea change in politics that the U.S. will welcome,” said an Embassy official.

However, it remains to be seen if the media “war” will undergo its own sea change, away from perennial conflict and toward a relationship with government that will better serve the public rather than confuse and deepen its hardened sense of cynicism.

Anonymous poster must be ID’d

The Illinois Supreme Court ruled this week that a northern Illinois public official must be told the name of an anonymous poster to a newspaper website who likened the politician to former Penn State football coach Jerry Sandusky, the child sex abuser.

The decision means that the anonymous poster cannot dodge a libel suit by hiding behind anonymity.

The Illinois high court ruled unanimously in favor of Stephenson County Board Chairman Bill Hadley, who has been demanding to know the identity of the poster for four years. Under the decision, Comcast, which provides the poster with internet service, would be required to turn over the poster’s identity.

The comment from “Fuboy” was posted on a December 2011 article in the Freeport Journal Standard website about Hadley’s decision to run for the County Board: “Hadley is a Sandusky waiting to be exposed. Check out the view he has of Empire (Elementary School) from his front door.” The comment was an apparent reference to the former Penn State coach who was convicted of child sex abuse in 2012.

Because of a federal law – Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act – Hadley can’t sue the newspaper for the potentially libelous comment by Fuboy. The law gives websites legal immunity for the content of third party postings – like the one from Fuboy. So Hadley’s only alternative is to sue the poster and to do that he needs to know the poster’s identity.

The Illinois Supreme Court acknowledged that First Amendment issues are involved because anonymous speech is constitutionally protected. But it said that if Hadley could obtain Fuboy’s identity if he could present enough evidence to “establish the alleged defamatory statements are not constitutionally protected….

“Once a plaintiff establishes a prima facie case for defamation… a potential defendant has no first amendment right to balance against the plaintiff’s right to redress because there is no first amendment right to defame,” it wrote.

Even though Fuboy’s statement was one of opinion, it expressed allegations of facts that, if true, would constitute a crime. When opinions contain factual claims, they can be libelous.

The attorney for Fuboy said there may be an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court, which could put off his identification during the appeal.

Court opinion

http://illinoiscourts.gov/Opinions/SupremeCourt/2015/118000.pdf

story:

http://www.sj-r.com/article/20150618/NEWS/150619478

Parties and the press

JEFFERSON CITY – The Jefferson City press corps has voted to give the Missouri Times until the end of March to clean up the news organization’s ethics mess or face the possibility of losing credentials to cover events in Missouri’s state capital.

Ten representatives of wire service, print and broadcast news organizations met Monday to discuss the lobbyist-sponsored parties that Times’ publisher Scott Faughn had held for lawmakers at the newspaper’s office in Jefferson City. While some press corps members appeared ready to vote to take away the Times’ allocation of capital office and parking spaces, the group approved a motion giving it the chance to draft a newsroom policy of editorial independence as well as time to demonstrate that the lobbyist-sponsored parties were no longer taking place.

Collin Reischman, the Times’ managing editor, told the group Faughn was not a journalist and was unschooled in ethics policies. And Reischman said Faughn was trying to hire a consultant to give advice on the development of a mission statement, an employee handbook and “best practices” that would prevent problems in the future.

“I do take issue with the way Scott does things,” Reischman said. “I told him fifty different times that he shouldn’t do them again. If it were up to me, there wouldn’t be any parties.”

While capital city reporters and lawmakers had been aware of the Times’ parties for months, the issue became public Jan. 4 when Rudi Keller of the Columbia Daily Tribune reported details of as many as six events, including the fact they “went largely unreported to the state Ethics Commission.”

James Klahr, the executive director of the Missouri Ethics Commission, said Tuesday that “it would be a good idea” for lobbyists who spend money on lawmakers, either individually or in a group settings like the Times’ parties, to report it to the commission.

The reporting requirements aside, several reporters present for Monday’s meeting said the parties violated journalistic ethical standards by creating an apparent, if not a real, conflict of interest.

“This has raised credibility questions for us,” said Phill Brooks, a journalism professor at the University of Missouri and the KMOX radio reporter covering the capital. “We uphold standards of editorial independence and the avoidance of a conflict of interest.”

Brooks noted that two years ago, when the press corps first accredited the Missouri Times, he requested a written policy that described its editorial independence since both the Times’ founders, Faughn and former House Speaker Rod Jetton, had been involved in politics. Brooks said he never got the policy.

POLITICAL ACTIVITIES

The Times publishes a weekly print product that’s distributed free of charge, and makes stories available on an Internet website: http://themissouritimes.com. Reischman said the press run is usually 1,000 to 2,000 issues, but sometimes has been as large as 5,000. The publication has two full time reporters, Reischman and Rachael Herndon, whose editorial independence was questioned during Monday’s meeting.

Herndon was identified as the president of the Cole County Young Republicans as recently as June of last year. Copies of emails were distributed at Monday’s meeting showing that prior to the November general election, Herndon was going door-to-door campaigning in behalf of Bryan Stumpe, the Republican candidate for Cole County circuit judge. In encouraging others to work for Stumpe, Herndon’s email said, “The current judge is one of the last Democrats holding office in Cole County.” The incumbent judge, Patricia Joyce, retained her seat.

“Standards that we expect are not being met when a company is soliciting lobbyists for parties and a reporter working for a paper is a party operative,” Keller said.

“I’m not denying that that was problem,” Reischman responded, “But we are rectifying that now.”

In an interview, Reischman said he had been aware of Herndon’s prior political work and that he had told her she had to stop it. But he said he apparently hadn’t been emphatic enough on that point. “I should have been more clear,” he said. Since then, Reischman said, he had had a “come to Jesus meeting” with Herndon, and she remains a reporter.

Neither Faughn nor Herndon responded to a Gateway Journalism Review reporter’s requests for comment.

According to the Missouri Times web site, Herndon studied communication and art history at the University of Missouri in Columbia, and previously worked as a campaign staff member. Reischman has a journalism degree from Webster University.

The web site also describes Faughn as the Missouri Times’ publisher and president of SEMO TIMES, a weekly newspaper in Poplar Bluff, Mo. It also describes Faughn as a member of the St. Louis Chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists. The SPJ’s Code of Ethics says journalists should “avoid conflicts of interest, real or perceived” and “remain free of associations and activities that may compromise integrity or damage credibility.” The code also says journalists should “refuse gifts” and shun “political involvement, public office and service in community organizations if they compromise journalistic integrity.”

Faughn is the former mayor of Poplar Bluff. In 2007 he was convicted in Cape Girardeau County of three counts of forgery.

ALLOCATING SPACE

Journalists covering state government are members of the Missouri Capitol News Association. The organization meets infrequently as the need arises, usually to allocate resources for reporters such as office accommodations, parking spaces and a spot at the Senate press table.

The organization’s bylaws require that for an entity to be credentialed, it must distribute news to a broad segment of the public, be independent of any lobbying activity and demonstrate its ability to cover the capital for at least six months. In addition to the Missouri School of Journalism, KMOX and the Columbia Tribune, journalists at Monday’s meeting represented the Associated Press, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Kansas City Star, St. Louis Public Radio, the Missourinet, KRCG-TV, and the Jefferson City News Tribune.

After agreeing that Monday’s meeting was open to coverage by the Gateway Journalism Review, the group discussed plans by the Republican-controlled state Senate to remove reporters from a press table on the floor of the chamber and sequester them in a spot in an upper gallery. It also voted to accredit Eli Yokley, who writes for a blog Politicmo and supplies news to the Joplin Globe, KY3-TV in Springfield and the New York Times.

After airing the controversy about the Missouri Times, the group agreed to reassess the news organization’s performance at a meeting that will be scheduled some time around the legislative Spring break, the last week of March.

Anti-Israel Tweets lead to U. of Illinois changing hiring decision

The University of Illinois’ last-minute decision not to hire a controversial scholar because of his provocative, anti-Israeli tweets has led to a debate about the limits of academic freedom.
The American Indian Studies Department of the university had approved the tenured appointment of Steven G. Salaita.  But that appointment was contingent on approval by the Board of Trustees and Chancellor Phyllis M. Wise decided over the summer not to submit the appointment to the board.

In explaining her action, Wise said that the decision had nothing to do with academic freedom.  “What we cannot and will not tolerate at the University of Illinois,” she wrote, “are personal and disrespectful words or actions that demean and abuse either viewpoints themselves or those who express them.”

Salaita’s supporters, however, think a fundamental issue of academic freedom is at stake, arguing that Salaita’s angry tweets should be answered by more speech, not by attempts to cut off his speech.

The university’s Association of American University Professors Committee on Academic Freedom and Tenure wrote in support of honoring the tenure offer to Salaita  It said: “Reports that the university has voided a job offer, if accurate, due to tweets on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict would be a clear violation of Professor Salaita’s academic freedom and an affront to free speech that we enjoy in this country.”

The former president of AAUP disagreed.  Cary Nelson, an English professor who has defended professors with unpopular beliefs, said it is legitimate to consider civility and collegiality at the point of hiring.

“I think the chancellor made the right decision,” Nelson told Inside Higher Education. “I know of no other senior faculty member tweeting such venomous statements — and certainly not in such an obsessively driven way. There are scores of over-the-top Salaita tweets…If Salaita had limited himself to expressing his hostility to Israel in academic publications subjected to peer review, I believe the appointment would have gone through without difficulty.” Nelson noted that strong criticism of Israel is widespread among faculty members. “Salaita’s extremist and uncivil views stand alone. There is nothing ‘unpopular’ on this campus about hostility to Israel.”

https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2014/08/06/u-illinois-apparently-revokes-job-offer-controversial-scholar

Thousands of university professors have signed a petition threatening to boycott the campus unless the university reconsiders its rejection of Salaita.  The New York Times reported that several professors have canceled talks on the campus as a result.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/01/education/illinois-university-prompts-outcry-for-revoking-job-offer-to-professor-in-wake-of-twitter-posts-on-israel.html

A group of free speech and constitutional scholars also sent Wise a letter arguing that the university’s actions violated Salaita’s free speech rights.

http://www.theasa.net/images/uploads/Faculty_Letter_to_U_of_I.pdf

The Daily Illini, the student paper at the campus, used the state Freedom of Information law to obtain emails to Wise from donors threatening to withdraw financial support from the university if Salaita were hired.  A university spokesperson told the paper that the emails were forwarded to the Board of Trustees but did not affect the decision not to hire the professor.

http://www.dailyillini.com/news/article_a2730e4e-33ec-11e4-bd55-0017a43b2370.html

The Daily Illini also reported this week that Wise said that in retrospect she should have reached out for more advice on how to handle the situation before making the decision.  She said she will ask the Faculty Senate for its view on how to handle similar situations.

Examples of Salaita’s over-the-top tweets are:

“You may be too refined to say it, but I’m not: I wish all the fucking West Bank settlers would go missing.”

“Zionists: Transforming ‘anti-Semitism’ from something horrible to something honorable since 1948.”

“At this point, if Netanyahu appeared on TV with a necklace made from the teeth of Palestinian children, would anyone be surprised?

Link to other tweets:

http://dailycaller.com/2014/07/21/university-of-illinois-professor-blames-jews-for-anti-semitism/2/

Ferguson protests and the First Amendment rights

Police appear to be violating the First Amendment rights of protesters and journalists in Ferguson by arresting and targeting journalists and by turning the right to assembly into a daytime-only right.

“Police and officials in Ferguson have declared war on the First Amendment,” said Gregory P. Magarian, a law professor at Washington University Law School. “Since Sunday’s police shooting of an unarmed student, Michael Brown, local officials and law enforcement have blatantly violated three core First Amendment principles: our right to engage in peaceful political protest, the importance of open government and the freedom of the press.”

He added that on the second day of protests, “In the space of one evening, police in Ferguson conducted a master class in destroying the freedom of the press.”

Other legal experts at Washington University and Saint Louis University law schools and a media lawyer agreed police actions apparently violated the First Amendment rights of protesters and journalists.  In addition, the American Civil Liberties Union of Eastern Missouri has been active in challenging restrictions on protesters and journalists.

Traditional place to protest  

The First Amendment issues deepened on the first Wednesday of the protest as police tried to keep protesters off the streets at night and as reporters, news crews and citizen journalists were arrested and targeted for police action.

Reporters from the Washington Post and Huffington Post were arrested in a McDonald’s restaurant when they did not quickly obey a police order to leave.  Alderman Antonio French, whose blogs from the protests have been journalistic, was arrested for not leaving a protest that had been declared an illegal assembly.  And police fired tear gas close to an Al Jazeera America crew setting up for a report.

The incidents with reporters continued in the ensuing days with Ryan Devereaux, a reporter for the Intercept hit in the back with a rubber bullet and arrested and photographer Raffe Lazarian threatened by an officer with a gun when he asked where the approved press area was situated.  The National Press Photographers Association, which has had a lawyer at the protests, filed an official complaint on Lazarian’s behalf.

https://nppa.org/node/67706

Alan Howard, a law professor at Saint Louis University, said early in the protest that talking back to police or showing them disrespect is not enough to justify an arrest.

“Individuals have a right to speak back to the police — the police do not have the authority to demand total submissiveness,” he wrote in an email.  “…questioning police authority as such is not resisting arrest, especially when the questioning occurs before any arrest and seems to be the action that triggered the arrest.”

Howard wrote, “what the protesters are saying by their signs, shouting, raising their hands and the like is clearly protected speech — it is political speech. Moreover where they are speaking — on public streets and sidewalks– are public forums and thus are places where citizens have a presumptive right to speak.”

Even though the streets are traditional places for protest, authorities can establish reasonable time, place and manner restrictions that are “non-censorial,” Howard said.

One manner restriction upheld by a federal court during the second week of the protest required protesters to keep moving during their demonstrations.  That restriction also applied to the press.

But Howard doubts that police can ban nighttime protests except when there is a curfew in effect.

He said, “So the police say that they are not banning assembly entirely — just prohibiting the congregation of lots of people late at night where experience has shown that the congregation of lots of people has crossed over from protest into violence, looting and so forth. Whether what the police are doing constitutes a permissible time, place and manner response is clearly debatable however…do they really need to turn the right to  assembly into a ‘daytime’?”

Not just daytime right

Magarian answers Howard’s rhetorical questions with an emphatic no. He concedes that “the police have proper authority to pursue and arrest violent protesters, looters and arsonists,” but adds, “What they don’t have any authority to do is treat peaceful protesters like criminals.

“In extreme circumstances, where violence pervades a city and overwhelms the ability of police to maintain order, the government can take measures like clearing the streets or declaring a curfew.  But Ferguson in 2014 is not Detroit in 1967 or Los Angeles in 1992.  Only a small handful of citizens have engaged in criminal acts in Ferguson.  The main violence on the streets of Ferguson is police violence.

“… Without declaring a curfew – because a curfew wouldn’t hold up in court – police are simply bullying people off the streets at night.”

The First Amendment doesn’t say protests are limited “only during daytime hours, when police feel like letting us speak and assemble,” he wrote.  “By suppressing political protest, police in Ferguson are attacking the heart of the First Amendment.”

Reporters protected

Mark Sableman, a media lawyer for Thompson Coburn, said the police actions against reporters were especially disturbing.

“Reporters are carrying out an important and constitutionally protected role in reporting on events, and that role should be recognized by police.  The distinction between reporters and others is made all the time, in public buildings with press rooms and press tables, courtrooms, at crime scenes, and even in foreign combat venues.  If there was a disruption in the back row of a courtroom, and for some reason the spectators had to be cleared from the courtroom, it wouldn’t be proper to clear out the press row, too.

“It is even more disturbing when, in addition to a general lack of sensitivity to media interests, there also appears to be efforts to suppress coverage.  We see that occasionally in tense scenes when police try to stop photography, or try to take or erase photography.  That is uniformly improper, and sends a red flag to the public, which is entitled to see with its own eyes, through media photography, whatever is happening.  Reports from Ferguson of police commands to shut off cameras are therefore particularly troublesome.”

William H. Freivogel is director of the School of Journalism at Southern Illinois University in Carbondale and a member of the Missouri Bar.

Appeals Court likes “likes,” says they’re speech

The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals has held that “liking” something on Facebook is speech protected by the First Amendment, reversing a lower court opinion dismissing a suit brought by former employees of a sheriff’s office who lost their jobs after they “liked” the Facebook page of their boss’s opponent in his re-election bid.

Last May, District Judge Raymond A. Jackson held that “merely ‘liking’ a Facebook page is insufficient speech to merit constitutional protection,” Bland v. Roberts, 857 F. Supp.2d 599 (E.D. Va. Apr. 24, 2012), slip op. at 6, and dismissed the fired employees’ claims.

But after reviewing the nature and consequences of “liking” something on Facebook, the appeals court held that “[o]nce one understands the nature of what [one plaintiff] did by liking the Campaign Page, it becomes apparent that his conduct qualifies as speech.” Bland v. Roberts, No. 12-1671 (4th Cir. Sept. 18, 2013), slip op. at 39.

On the most basic level, clicking on the “like” button literally causes to be published the statement that the User “likes” something, which is itself a substantive statement. In the context of a political campaign’s Facebook page, the meaning that the user approves of the candidacy whose page is being liked is unmistakable. That a user may use a single mouse click to produce that message that he likes the page instead of typing the same message with several individual key strokes is of no constitutional significance. slip op. at 39-40.

This makes sense. The courts have held that First Amendment protection extends to gestures, signs, and even some actions (“symbolic speech”). A Facebook “like” is no different; depending on the context, it can be an expression of endorsement, approval, or gladness that something was posted. And I’m sure that it can have other meanings that I’m not thinking of. But the point is that pressing the “like” button can, indeed, carry a message that can and should be protected by the First Amendment.

Unfortunately, the Fourth Circuit doesn’t have an official Facebook page to “like.” (Although there’s a page for former clerks.) But you can go to Justia’s Facebook page for Fourth Circuit opinions and like the Bland v. Roberts decision.

By doing so, you’ll be making an expression of support — and enjoy the protection of the First Amendment for doing so.

 

Eric P. Robinson is co-director of the Program in Press, Law and Democracy at the Manship School of Mass Communication at Louisiana State University.

Upcoming forum focuses on student free expression rights

Mary Beth Tinker, the student suspended for wearing an armband to class to protest the Vietnam War, will speak about student free expression rights at 7:30 p.m. March 11 in a forum at Webster University’s Winifred Moore Auditorium.

Tinker’s suspension became the basis for a lawsuit that went to the U.S. Supreme Court, which decided that student free expression rights do not stop at the classroom door. The logic expressed by the 1969 U.S. Supreme Court did not sway a later court in 1988, which curbed student free expression rights with its Hazlewood decision.

This year marks the 25th anniversary of the Hazelwood case, which originated in St. Louis.

Tinker will be accompanied by a panel of experts on First Amendment law, and they will discuss the impact of the Tinker and Hazelwood decisions.

The event, which is free and open to the public, is co-sponsored by the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ), Gateway Journalism Review/St. Louis Journalism Review, Gateway Media Literacy Partners and the St. Louis Media History Foundation.

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‘Benevolent dictatorships’ lessen First Amendment’s importance

SAN FRANCISCO – The First Amendment is less important today as control of speech passes to private “benevolent dictatorships” such as Google, Facebook and Twitter.

That was the consensus of media lawyers and academics speaking Thursday at a

panel at the Online News Association convention.

“The First Amendment is becoming less relevant today, said David Ardia, a law and journalism professor at the University of North Carolina. The First Amendment does not apply to the private online gatekeepers such as Google and Facebook.

The anti-Muslim film that caused protests and riots in the Middle East this month is an example of the shift in importance from government decisions about free expression to private ones, the experts said.

Pam Samuelson, a law professor at Berkeley, said “the pressure that our government put on Google to block (the movie),” but she noted that Google’s view “was that it was not unlawful in the United States and should be available.”

Added Ardia: “We put a lot of faith in these benevolent dictatorships” such as Google.

The panelists noted that one reason that the online companies favor free expression is that it is good for business. The Web wants information to be free.

But there is a tradeoff to this freedom of information on the Web, they said: the loss of privacy.

“The Web almost has to be free,” said Tony Falzone, deputy general counsel at Pinterest and a fellow at Stanford Law School Center for Internet & Society. “The consequence of that is that everyone has to find a way to make money a different way, and the price of that is privacy.”

Ardia likened privacy on the Web to a “one-way mirror. Advertisers can learn a lot about users, but users do not know how it is being used.”

Some panelists wished consumers could turn their personal information into intellectual property and sell it to the companies they trusted. But others said that, if privacy were property, the firms buying it would just sell it to people the consumer knew nothing about.

Samuelson cautioned against oversimplicity, noting “that there isn’t just one thing called privacy.” Everyone wants to keep others from stealing credit-card information, but not everyone wants to keep advertisers from obtaining information about their searches – information that might channel them more interesting ads.

Added Samuelson: “Privacy is an evolving concept. It is evolving so rapidly, it is hard for publishers to know what to do and advertisers to know what to do.” In addition, she said, the millennial generation doesn’t care as much about privacy as the previous generation.

Sometimes, however, the younger generation is in for a shock. She told of one Berkeley student who got a good job at Cisco Systems Inc. and tweeted to her friends about getting a “fat” salary that went with the job offer. Cisco employees, following tweets about the firm, saw the tweet – and the Berkeley student henceforth has been known at the company as “Cisco fatty.”