Tag: coverage

Chicago media struggle to tell migrant stories as thousands surge into the city

Baffled travelers stepping off buses into an unknown city and life. Families huddled on police stations’ floors. Painful accounts of robberies and rapes, and of deaths in jungles and rivers – the price of escaping grim horrors.

These and other stories told by the thousands of immigrants who have surged into Chicago in recent months, joining many thousands already here, have been told by Chicago’s news media.

But has the news media done its job?

A migrant mother and her children ask for money and food in the South Loop in downtown Chicago on Thursday, June 29, 2023. More than 10,000 migrants have arrived in the city since 2022. Most of the migrants arriving in Chicago are from Venezuela like this family. (Photo by Jackie Spinner)

Has it lingered beyond the picture or quote captured on the immigrants’ first days to make them more human? Has it sketched what’s likely to become of them? 

And ultimately, has it provided an accounting of what their arrival has meant to Chicago’s institutions and its sometimes inflamed and often polarized racial and ethnic politics?

Much of the focus has been on the daily situation. Yet in time stories have also rolled out about the medical and legal problems facing the immigrants and about the costs of their care. 

What’s missing is reporting that brings together the whole picture. It starts with tracking how and why right-wing southern politicians began sending uninformed immigrants into liberal northern cities. We need a better understanding of the likelihood that the immigrants will find a haven in Chicago and other big US cities or be expelled – as New York Mayor Eric Adams did, sending migrants to neighboring counties. What happens if the new arrivals simply melt into the more than 400,000 undocumented in Illinois and the 11 million in the US?

In a broader view, the situation has become a test whether Chicago’s news media, beset by massive cutbacks and upheavals, but also benefiting from new and ambitious digital start-ups, have met the challenge.

The results have been mixed.

Immigration agency officials and immigrant advocates complain that the coverage has been episodic reporting and has failed largely to link all of the dots.

“What’s being done right now is covering chaos,” said Erendira “Ere” Rendon, vice-president of Immigrant Justice at the Resurrection Project, a major agency in Chicago’s Latino community. “There’s less coverage about how we make this sustainable. This is not going to be purely sustained by volunteers.”

Melineh Kano, executive director of Refugee One, one of Chicago’s major immigration agencies, explained that the media coverage has been important, because news reports have almost always prompted “public response” for her agency and the immigrants it services.

Yet she laments the media’s focus on the “bad aspects more than the good…..We don’t hear much about the types of people who’ve crossed the border. We mostly hear about the political issues around the border.”

Fred Tsao, senior counsel for the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, points out a number of the news media should follow up on issues facing the immigrants, such as how they are settling in and moving on with their new lives. But his major complaint is over the media’s description of the situation as a “crisis.”

“It’s a loaded term,” he said. “It makes it look like the situation cannot be managed….And it feeds into the inaccurate image that the world is a hot mess.”

Mitch Pugh, the Chicago Tribune’s executive editor, doesn’t deny that his newspaper was caught “flat-footed,” and said it has since worked to catch up with better planning and coordination. “I think we covered the initial crisis, but not divined what this all means,” he said.

“I’m not sure there’s a really good model out there (for the coverage),” he added.

One of the constraints on the coverage, he said, is the reality of a much-reduced newsroom.   Neither the Tribune nor the Sun-Times has a full time immigration reporter, a one-time stable for big city news media. Rather they have relied on others to step up. 

 Laura Rodrieguez Presa has provided much of breaking reporting on immigrants for the Tribune as has Elvia Malagón for the Sun-Times. Malagón’s job is supported by a grant from the Chicago Community Trust for her reporting on social justice, immigration and income inequality.

What’s missing from the traditional news media has been made up by recently born news outlets. 

Borderless, a small, four-year-old online publication and only one of a few online publications that focuses on immigrants, partnered, for example, with Block Club Chicago, a five-year-old online outlet, when the buses first began arriving. Handing out pamphlets to immigrants as they were arriving, a team of reporters from the two publications eventually tracked down and followed 10 immigrants. The stories, which also appeared in Spanish, provide the humanity  missing at times from news reports.

Pointing to immigrants’ support needs, Borderless in recent months has created a guide for donations for the recently arrived immigrants, has written about Black immigrants and told how Syrian and Turkish immigrant groups here were helping their countrymen in the wake of the devastating earthquakes.  

As a neighborhood-based publication, Block Club Chicago, has spread its coverage out over the city. One insightful story revealed the dearth of lawyers for those in federal immigration court and a major increase in backlogged cases. Indeed, the backlog of cases in Chicago’s immigration court has more than doubled since 2021, reaching 112,000 as of April.

Mick Dumke produced a powerful story for Block Club Chicago showing that a City Council committee on immigration had not met for over a year as the immigration situation was worsening.

To Carlos Ballesteros, a reporter for Injustice Watch, covering the latest immigrants means also examining the conditions of the undocumented in Chicago area, whose ranks he points out have been declining. He has tackled that kind of reporting, writing about abuses faced by older undocumented and officials’ failure to help undocumented victims of sexual abuse obtain U visas, a road to becoming citizens.

“The coverage is incomplete. It is short-sighted. The immigrant perspective is lost,” he said.

So, too, Melissa Sanchez, a Chicago-based reporter for ProPublica, has produced investigative reporting about problems with the care of immigrant children who entered the country without a parent or guardian. As national news reports and Congressional hearings have pointed out, caring for these youths has become a dilemma. In 2022, the government referred 128,000 unaccompanied minors to its Office of Refugee Resettlement, the highest such number in recent years.

As Chicago officials moved to temporarily house newly arrived immigrants in facilities in Black or mostly White communities, the media has captured the uproar at meetings and at the City Council from those opposed to locating the new immigrants in their communities.

Jackie Serrato, editor of the La Voz, a Spanish language publication of the Chicago Sun-Times, suggested that such reporting has not been analytical enough to explain the controversy. “The good reporters will say where some of these (complaints) may come from. And one reason is the dissatisfaction that people feel with the way public officials has disinvested in Chicago-born residents and vulnerable communities and the uncollaborative process to find shelter by the Lightfoot administration.”

So, too Natalie Moore, an editor on the race, class and communities desk at WBEZ, thinks that the reporting on community conflict over the locating of  immigrants needs to go deeper and to hear more voices, not just those most outspoken at meetings. “I know about disinvestment in the South and West (sides of the city) but also what it means to have a humanitarian crisis that is spurred by the views of red state politicians,” she said.

The uproar clearly has been heard and produced op-eds and columns in the Chicago news media dealing with it. Many of these have sought to provide some salve for the unsettled emotions, a critical role for the news media in troubled times.

One of the most powerful statements came from Sun-Times columnist Mary Mitchell. She detailed the burdens and inequities suffered by Chicago’s Blacks, but then brought her column to a compelling conclusion:

“We can build on the legacy of segregation by turning our backs on those who do not look or talk like us. Or we can do what Johnson talked about in his inauguration speech when he summoned the “soul of Chicago,” she said, referring to new Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson. 

Stephen Franklin is a Pulitzer finalist, former foreign correspondent and labor writer for the Chicago Tribune.

Journalists need to expand beyond crisis reporting in covering migration

When the Adriana, an overcrowded migrant boat, sank in Greek waters in June, drowning hundreds, the catastrophe was unusual in scale, but those traveling on global migration routes regularly encounter terrible hardship. Most of the coverage of this story, however, was limited to the disaster itself, neglecting to illuminate how a complex, multi-faceted, and deeply flawed global migration system makes such tragedies all-but inevitable. Media consumers need more comprehensive coverage of that system—the Migration Industrial Complex, if you will—which affects our lives in myriad ways. 

Migrant families stand outside of the Inn of Chicago located at 162 E. Ohio Street, where nearly 1,400 migrants are currently seeking asylum on Thursday, June 29, 2023. The Inn of Chicago is the most populated migrant housing hotel in the city of Chicago at this time.

Consider almost any complicated global issue—the economy, climate change, food production, manufacturing, trade, wars, political instability—and you will find a deep connection to migration. It plays a major role in the international economy, the stability of nations, the supply of labor, grocery store inventories of pork chops and Florida oranges, and tragedies like the sinking of the Adriana

The reach of the migration system became obvious to me during the years I conducted research for my book All Else Failed: The Unlikely Volunteers at the Heart of the Migrant Aid Crisis. When one Syrian refugee I interviewed described sitting in a smuggler’s safe house in Izmir, Turkey, for example, waiting for the weather to break so that she and her five children could board a boat for Greece, she was describing one small but crucial component within the Migration Industrial Complex. But journalists need to more expansively address this complex web of services, locations, equipment, offices, and government entities that propel a major industry. 

Smugglers and safe houses play a role in this system, but so do Coast Guards, factory owners who employ migrant laborers, school systems trying to educate children on the move, immigration lawyers, and merchants who sell SIM cards and rubber dinghies. Not all of them profit from or condone criminal syndicates and human trafficking, but they all operate within an intertwined global system that has an enormous reach but about which we have only a piecemeal understanding. Journalists are in the best position to put those pieces together. 

Coverage of migration too often focuses on one of two angles: government policy (the political angle) and the lives of individual migrants (the human angle). Both are important, but such a narrow scope misses the huge web of industrial practices that enable and hinder the movements of people. Only when journalism expands beyond crisis reporting can it begin to illuminate migration as the far-reaching system that it has become. 

I can imagine a vast offering of deeply reported stories. For example, we would benefit from more expansive field reporting explaining how climate change is causing an increase in people fleeing drought in East Africa. How might efforts to address climate change help mitigate its effects and potentially allow more people to remain in their homelands? Another area for exploration would be the financing that supports networks of human trafficking. The New York Times reported that the 700 or so individuals on board The Adriana paid as much as $4000 each for their passage on the ship and that the combined total revenue for that single voyage may have reached $3.5 million. Aside from the now-arrested individuals accused of piloting and managing the boat, who else stood to profit from this major business venture? Who owned the boat? Was it insured, and, if so, how does maritime insurance interact with these criminal operations? We also need more expanded reporting on how migration affects the societies where these newcomers settle. Migrants and refugees now provide labor for major industries like meat packing, agriculture, and in the service sector, as well as eldercare. Journalism can help us see how wealthier societies have become dependent on this labor. 

Migration is no longer just a crisis; it has become a permanent fact of modern life, one that will only increase as climate change and other global instabilities worsen. To understand this long-term problem, we need to understand the industrial system that has emerged to facilitate and address it.

All of us would benefit from journalism like this, but it would especially help policy makers in a position to mitigate problems and prevent catastrophes by crafting responsive legislation. 

Better reporting would undoubtedly help migrants as well. They are consumers of media like the rest of us but often have nothing but anecdotes and word of mouth to help them make life-altering decisions. A Syrian father told me about conducting research on his mobile phone to figure out which brands of life jackets were reliable and which were fakes that would fill with water and sink. His family survived, but I imagine that others, led astray by bad information, were not so lucky.

More expansive reporting can illuminate our understanding of the networks that facilitate and hinder migration—systems both legal and criminal, humanitarian and capitalist, individual and state-sponsored. How do smuggling syndicates work? How are they financed? Who is making money? How do migrants pay for their journeys? How do they know which services to trust? Are they pawns or active players in these operations? Who is helping them or threatening them along the way? Reporting that focuses on crises, individual stories, and debates over policy leads only to short-term “fixes” that have, over the decades, achieved little, 

Such reporting ignores the ways the migration system operates as an industry and how it involves not only millions of migrants but also society at large. Only when journalists illuminate the pervasive, permanent role of migration in contemporary society will we find long-term strategies for addressing the problems of migration. We will always need reporters to cover boat disasters like The Adriana, but more comprehensive coverage of migration as an industry could make such tragedies less likely to occur.

Dana Sachs is a journalist, novelist and cofounder of the nonprofit Humanity Now: Direct Refugee Relief. She lives in Wilmington, North Carolina, and is the author of “All Else Failed: The Unlikely Volunteers at the Heart of the Migrant Aid Crisis.”

Where the US stands on migrant laws

In a sweeping decision, the US Supreme Court rejected two conservative states’ push to enforce more aggressive law enforcement initiatives against undocumented immigrants. 

The ruling in late June marked a major win to the Biden administration, as the 8-1 decision revives the president’s immigration guideline. Justice Samuel Alito was the only dissenter. 

A migrant family crosses the sidewalk as others stand outside of the Inn of Chicago at 162 E. Ohio Street on Thursday, June 29, 2023. The Inn of Chicago is currently housing 1,398 migrants, the largest of the city’s existing shelters. (Photo by Addison Annis)

Missouri was one of the states with conservative attorneys general who had called upon the court to force the Biden administrations to deport more undocumented immigrants. Former Missouri Attorney General, now U.S. Sen. Eric Schmitt, had joined the legal action by Texas and Louisiana.

The Supreme Court ruled that the two states did not have legal standing to challenge the Biden policies. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, an appointee of former President Donald Trump, wrote that the court had never ordered “the Executive Branch to change its arrest or prosecution policies so that the Executive Branch makes more arrests or initiates more prosecution.”

Texas, Louisiana and conservative legal allies such as Missouri had wanted to arrest and expel immigrants whose only offense was being undocumented; the Biden administration policy expels only those who have committed felonies. Biden officials had noted that the government did not have the resources to round up, arrest and deport 11 million undocumented immigrants.

Biden’s Homeland Security guidelines aimed to focus on “national security, public safety and border security.” The Biden administration’s new ruling worked to undo policies put in place by the Trump administration, which allowed anyone who is in the country without legal documentation to be deported. 

Biden’s immigration initiatives seeks to provide pathways to citizenship and strengthen labor protections by 

  • creating an “earned” roadmap for undocumented individuals, 
  • aiming to keep families together, 
  • embracing diversity, which includes a “No Ban Act,” 
  • promoting immigrant and refugee integration and citizenship, according to the administration’s Immigration System. 

In the case, Texas v. Biden, U.S. District Judge Drew Tipton, a Trump appointee, ruled in the state’s favor, findingthat Department of Homeland Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas’ memo regarding the amended guidelines was illegal. 

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R) called the new policies “outrageous” in a tweet.  

“SCOTUS gives the Biden Admin. carte blanche to avoid accountability for abandoning enforcement of immigration laws,” Abbott wrote. “Texas will continue to deploy the National Guard to repel & turn back illegal immigrants trying to enter Texas illegally.”

Last year, the Supreme Court by a 5-4 vote refused to allow Biden’s immigration enforcement guidelines to take effect, but the justices agreed to hear arguments on the legal dispute and now have agreed with the president.

Despite the win for the president, migration guidelines will become stricter if individuals fail to use the pathways outlined by the administration. Title 8, which outlines deportation processes, remains in play, which allows individuals who cross the border illegally without legal documentation to be deported. 

According to the International Organization for Migration, in 2020 approximately 281 million people – about 3.6% of the world’s population – live as migrants. 

Governors in the US have been feuding over how to handle the influx of migrants into the states. The Republican governors of Florida, Texas and Arizona have transported migrants to northern cities, including Chicago and New York, overwhelming these Democratic-led cities.

Olivia Cohen is Chicago-based freelancer currently reporting in Washington, D.C. on a summer internship for Bloomberg Law.

In smaller newsrooms, some sports reporters are covering 10 sports at once

On New Year’s Eve in New Orleans, Kansas State Wildcats football fell to the world-renowned Alabama Crimson Tide, 45-20 in the Sugar Bowl. Kansas State finished a historic season for the program, taking me to the press boxes of the Superdome in New Orleans and AT&T Stadium in Arlington, Texas, for the Big 12 Championship Game. 

Just under 1,000 miles away in Manhattan, Kansas, the Kansas State Wildcats men’s basketball team defeated then-No. 24 ranked West Virginia 82-76 in an overtime thriller. The men’s basketball team’s 12-1 record shocked many but still were not the main Manhattan storyline. Not yet at least.

The author covers the Sugar Bowl in New Orleans on Dec. 31, 2022. Photo courtesy of Luke Lazarczyk

Seventeen days later, back in Manhattan, I found myself in the press section in Bramlage Coliseum as the Wildcats won another overtime thriller. This time against No. 2 ranked in-state rival Kansas Jayhawks 83-82. The Wildcats now held a 16-2 record and were the No. 13 ranked team in the country. As the student section enveloped the court in a matter of seconds after the final buzzer rang, head coach Jerome Tang and the team had become the next Kansas State team to take the nation by storm. 

As newsrooms shrink and beat reporters compete with scarce resources, most local sports journalists must cover multiple sports these days, sometimes simultaneously.

“Kind of sad actually,” National Sports Media Association executive director Dave Goren said about the sports writer job market. “A lot of people have gotten laid off lately, including a handful of our award winners who were just here.”

Just recently, ESPN announced layoffs of many highly known on-air personalities. The Athletic also laid off 20 reporters in June of 2022. Goren said that the issue would need a major commitment to fix the issues causing layoffs in sports and news journalism.

“It would take somebody to invest millions and millions of dollars in news gathering or news reporting organizations,” Goren said. “There are a handful now of these nonprofit organizations that are trying to make a go of it. I wish them the best of luck. It’s good for us as a society.”

Depending on the circumstances, the work can be both rewarding and time consuming. That was the case for Jason Martin, former writer at the Daily Journal in Indiana from 2003-2009. Indianapolis was home to two very prominent teams in the NFL’s Colts and the NBA’s Pacers. 

“When you’re in a relatively small market and you’ve got two good teams you’re going back and forth and we’re limited staff” with three full-time reporters,” Martin said. “We’re still trying to cover our local high school and whatever came up. We were very, very busy but it was so exciting to be a part of.”

For Martin, his main job was covering the Colts who were at their peak, winning the Super Bowl in 2007 while serving as the backup reporter for the Pacers. With limited staff, any major moment with the Pacers would require his immediate attention. One of those occurrences was one of the most infamous moments in sports history: The Malice at the Palace.

The Malice at the Palace was a brawl between Pacers players, most notably Ron Artest, and Detroit Pistons fans that went into the stands of The Palace in Auburn Hills, Michigan, right in the middle of the Colts season. Martin was sent to Ron Artest’s press conference the next day, just the day the Indianapolis Colts would go on to play against the Chicago Bears, adding a new wrinkle to his schedule. 

Covering multiple professional teams may have a reporter’s schedule become discombobulated. That case could be even more so for those covering multiple high school sports exclusively.

“I never worked a consistent schedule,” said Les Winkeler, former Sports Editor of The Southern Illinoisan. “You might cover one game in the afternoon one day and the next day you’re covering a game right out into (the) deadline. You really had to be flexible and adapt.”

The variety of sports to cover in high school sports is much greater than professional sports. Winkeler said he covered up to 10 sports, from football to cross country. That’s a lot of sources to maintain. Winkeler said his staff could keep up with the event coverage but then had to figure out when coaches were free for interviews. Winkeler would ask all the coaches when their breaks were during the day and kept a hand-written list to know when coaches would be available.

“You had to use a little ingenuity when covering that many people,” Winkeler said.

 Both Martin and Winkeler also were challenged by having to learn new sports well enough to cover expertly during their reporting careers. For Winkeler, it was soccer.

“I had never really been around soccer at all,” Winkeler said. “That was a pretty severe learning curve. There were times when I would rely on other people there or officials working the clock or whatever to explain things to me.”

In Martin’s case, he headed into Indiana knowing about two sports the city was infatuated with, basketball and football. Still, Martin found himself with limited knowledge of one of Indiana’s favorite sports: Motorsports. The heart of Indiana’s motorsports love is the Indianapolis 500, one of the most famous automobile races in the world. Martin had to learn the sport from people he knew beforehand and then by experiencing the event and the environment itself as a reporter.

“You’re not going to be the expert in everything,” Martin said. Most people come to sports journalism having played sports at some level. “Then they’ve got the ones that they’re passionate about following themselves,” he said. “I think inevitably, especially if you’re in the general assignment kind of situation, you can end up with a lot of things, a lot of possibilities.”

Martin, similarly to other sports journalists, was thrown into a sport and an area which he knew little about. Martin became accustomed to the area’s love of motorsports and more by leaning into his skills. For those in the sports journalism world, as much as the assignment is to cover the sport, the work goes beyond learning the intricate details of each sport there is to work on. In the end, the journalist must adapt and lean into their skills as a pure journalist, no matter the sport.

“What you can rely on is just your reporting skills, telling stories of a person,” Martin said. “So much of sports journalism is telling the stories about people with the added element of competition that draws people to it and makes people want to read what you’re writing.”

Luke Lazarczyk is a Kansas-based sports reporter. 

Exclusive: Hearing scheduled in Gateway Pundit defamation case

A hearing that could either strengthen or upend the defamation case by two Georgia poll workers against The Gateway Pundit, the far-right website operated by St. Louisan Jim Hoft, is scheduled for July 13 in St. Louis Circuit Court.  

St. Louis Circuit Judge Michael Stelzer is set to hear the plaintiffs’ request to dismiss a motion that The Gateway Pundit’s lawyers filed in May, calling for the whole case to be dismissed on free speech grounds.  He also will listen to discussion of a motion to dismiss the defendants’ counter-claim – a motion The Gateway Pundit’s lawyers filed last March alleging that the outlet, not the two Georgia poll workers, were the ones being defamed.

The stakes appear to be high for both sides in the case, which revolves around the accusation by Ruby Freeman and her daughter Wandrea “Shaye” The case revolves around the accusation by Ruby Freeman and her daughter Wandrea “Shaye” Moss that they were falsely – and repeatedly– accused by The Gateway Pundit of having helped rig the vote-counting in Georgia against Donald Trump in 2020.  But the hearing is coming against the backdrop of fresh recommendations from a court-appointed special master that largely favor the two women and could produce new ammunition for their position. 

Trump supporters gather at the Minnesota Governor’s Residence after a “Storm The Capitol” event at the Minnesota State Capitol. Photo provided by Chad Davis via Flickr

In a “Report and Recommendation” filed July 7, special master Peter Dunne showed no sympathy for the defendants’ argument that discovery in the case should be halted on “anti-SLAPP” grounds. Anti-SLAPP (Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation) laws are designed to prevent the filing of suits as an intimidation tactic against the exercise of First amendment rights.  The Gateway Pundit’s lawyers have alleged that the two women’s suit against their client fits that description.

But Dunne said that in Missouri, “anti-SLAPP actions are restricted to conduct or speech undertaken or made in connection with a public hearing or public meeting.” And that, he noted, is not the situation with this case.

Dunne’s recommendation applied only to the request by the defendants to halt discovery until the judge could rule on the request to throw out the case altogether on anti-SLAPP grounds. But his reasoning appeared to offer little encouragement to The Gateway Pundit’s lawyers that they could succeed with that argument.

In the same “Report and Recommendation,” Dunne also mostly came down on the side of the two women in several other of discovery-related disputes that have bogged down the case for months.  Stelzer appointed Dunne in May to resolve these disputes.   

Perhaps most importantly, Dunne noted that the lawyers for the Hofts had objected to the plaintiffs’ request for “a complete and accurate accounting of revenues generally and in connection with the articles specifically,” calling the request overly broad and overly time-consuming.  But Dunne recommended that the court order the defendants to comply with the request. 

If, as expected, that recommendation is accepted by the court, it would appear that The Gateway Pundit will be compelled to turn over at least some financial information that could be central to the defamation case. The information could shed light on the publisher’s motive for persisting in publishing “known falsehoods” about the two women and about its “journalistic practices and ethical standards,” as the initial complaint in the case alleged.

In another potentially significant part of his July 7 “Report and Recommendation” — and one that involves another St. Louis company — Dunne recommended that the court grant the plaintiffs’ request for “documents relating to Defendants’ audience monetization strategy, advertising networks, advertisement servers, and about Decide Technology …” Decide Technologies, formerly known as LockerDome, is a St. Louis-based company that, as the GJR has previously reported, served ads for many years to The Gateway Pundit website.

The special master gave the defendants a win by refusing to order them to turn over more information about Google’s decision in 2021 to stop serving ads to The Gateway Pundit because it was violating Google’s standards by posting misleading content.  Dunne said his review of the situation left him “unable to conclude” that The Gateway Pundit had anything more to hold back.  

He also declined the request by the plaintiffs’ lawyers to order the defendants to cover all attorneys’ fees and costs.  Both sides in the case see it as a matter of “great importance,” he wrote.  And “the legal and discovery issues in this case, both on behalf of Plaintiffs and Defendants, have been pursued and presented with great zeal, skill, and ability on the part of counsel for all parties.”  The fact that they have strenuously disagreed, he said, is therefore not surprising,

But Dunne came down on the side of the women and their attorneys on several other issues.  For example, he said the defendants had to produce all text messages related to the case, and all social media postings as well.  He also recommended that The Gateway Pundit be compelled to produce any additional information that may exist about the organization’s “accuracy and compliance department, including documents relating to how, when and why this department was created …”   

In riveting testimony a year ago to the US House Committee Investigating the Jan. 6 on the Capitol, Freeman and Moss said their lives had been turned upside down by the harassment they received in the aftermath of the accusations made against them, not only by The Gateway Pundit but also by Rudolph Giuliani and One America News Network. They sued each of their accusers separately, filing their case against The Gateway Pundit and its sole owner, Jim Hoft, in St. Louis Circuit Court in December of 2021. Hoft’s identical twin brother, Joe Hoft, of Miami, who also writes articles for the site, was named as a co-defendant.  

The St. Louis case is one of several high-profile defamation suits involving false claims by right-wing media figures like Alex Jones and outlets like Fox News that have recently captured national attention.  The Gateway Pundit also has been sued for defamation in Denver, in that case by Eric Coomer, the former security chief for Dominion Voting Systems.  

But both cases against The Gateway Pundit have moved slowly, and in the St. Louis case, various legal observers have said stall tactics by the defendants have been part of the reason.  These have included what the plaintiffs’ attorneys called an “improper” attempt to transfer the case to federal court – an effort that ultimately failed, but which consumed six months – and a lack of full cooperation to comply with numerous requests by the plaintiffs in pre-trial discovery. As noted, the defendants also took the rather extreme step of counter-suing the two Georgia women and some of their lawyers.

Dunne was appointed to help cut through some of these obstacles. The July 13 hearing will likely do the same, one way or the other.