Tag: trump

Opinion: Who calls out the lie? Journalism’s crisis of courage under Trump

If you call a tail a leg, how many legs does a dog have?  The answer is four — because calling a tail a leg does not make it so.  That, in short, is both a lesson and a challenge for contemporary journalism.

The Trump Administration proudly shares video of our destruction of small boats in the Caribbean, killing all persons on them. Trump officials claim all were smuggling drugs. That untested claim then is extrapolated as a reason to: ignore international law; skip the legal steps of Coast Guard boarding, seizing, charging; and building an argument that our nation is at war with drug cartels—likely a fig leaf for attacks on Venezuela, even though other nations are more prolific in sending illegal drugs into the U. S. With rare exceptions, journalists do not challenge this nonsense. Those who do are assailed by Trump acolytes who claim they clearly are soft on drug cartels.

Congress struggles through a shutdown. Republicans on Capitol Hill falsely claim that Democrats are seeking to extend health care benefits to illegal aliens. President Trump even takes to social media to post manipulated images of House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries in a sombrero. Many major news organizations pushed back on both the falsity and the juvenile post, but several did not.

The Trump Administration claims unprecedented authority to make and modify tariffs, deploy the military in American cities, and scoff at the Constitution’s Emoluments Clause as Trump and his family rake in money from government-connected grifting.

Trump insists that his hires adhere to a trio of false claims: that he was not assisted in the 2016 campaign by Russian interference, that he actually won the 2020 election, and that the numerous prosecutions of him (including one that yielded guilty verdicts on 34 felony charges) all were illegitimate. These solidly debunked claims are a nefarious trilogy that serve as a pretext to his political prosecutions of anyone who stood in his way, and firings of anyone who refuses to assist in the revenge.

So, how should news organizations respond to this firehose of falsity? Aggressive, critical, and independent reporting is a must, but unfortunately many news outlets and other media organizations are going in the wrong direction. As July came to a close, Washington Post Fact Checker Glenn Kessler took a buyout and ended almost 28 years, more than 14 as lead fact checker, at that news outlet. He estimates that during that time he wrote or edited roughly 3000 fact checks, rating claims of both Democrats and Republicans on a Pinocchio scale. It was Kessler who tallied Trump’s first term at scoring roughly 21 lies per day, a figure that only escalated as Trump obtained a second term.

Kessler wrote, “Social media helped fuel the rise of Trump —and made it easier for false claims to circulate. Russian operatives in 2016 used fake accounts on social media to spread disinformation and create divisive content —tactics that led companies such as Meta to begin to use fact-checkers to identify misleading content. But the political forces which benefited from false information —such as Trump and his allies —led a backlash against such efforts, saying it was a form of censorship. Now tech companies are scaling back their efforts to combat misinformation.”

At the start of this year, Mark Zuckerberg ended independent fact checking on his Facebook and Instagram platforms, retreating to  wimpy “community notes” replies modeled after Elon Musk’s X / Twitter. Google has ended its ClaimsReview program that elevated fact checks in search results.

Of course, 2024 closed with both the Los Angeles Times and Jeff Bezos’ Washington Post spiking endorsements of Kamala Harris for president. Bezos has gone on to dictate that his editorial page henceforth will be devoted to advocating free markets and personal liberties. Recent staff departures and the hiring of three conservative columnists seem to be steps to advance that decision.

ABC News capitulated on a Trump nuisance lawsuit about whether the civil judgment finding him liable for sexual assault can be simplified to rape. CBS News did something similar on a dubious lawsuit on video editing, and later gets stuck with a right-wing columnist as its news editor in chief. Both parent companies, Disney and Paramount/Skydance, appear from the outside to be greasing the skids for business deals by trying to mollify the whiner-in-chief.

We are slipping into a pattern of billionaire owners quelling good reporting that questions when government officials call a dog tail a leg. The opposite direction is what is needed. Add fact checkers and highlight their work. Look askance on any news story that includes the phrase “Trump said…” His veracity is suspect on a scale not even close to that achieved by other politicians. Quote Trump less and look more into his actions and those affected by them. Do not cover his speeches live. Too much malevolence and lying will pour forth ever to be corrected adequately. Comedy programs should consider replaying his speeches with sound effects, like buzzers for lies and slide whistles for personal attacks.

Those of us in journalism education must stress the absolute primacy of accuracy. Secondary virtues, such as fairness and balance (part of early Fox News slogans) cannot be used as a cudgel against accuracy. We do not need to quote or put in a broadcast a flat-earther every time we cover a story involving a spherical Earth. Not all ideas are created equal. Some are well established by empirical science; others are logical fallacies or dubious speculation that skip peer review and confuse correlation with causation.

These are perilous times for both journalism and democratic self-governance. Journalism must not shrink before the challenge by promoting puffery or slipping into the dodge of “both sides,” when one side is using that trope against both accuracy and informed self-governance.

Mark Harmon is a professor of journalism and media at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.

100 days of chaos

In 100 days of chaos, President Donald J. Trump has violated laws, ignored time-tested norms, damaged the world’s most respected system of higher education, undermined the world’s leading network of medical and health research facilities, surrendered America’s important instruments of “soft power,” endangered the health of tens of thousands of families around the world and detonated a tariff bomb in the middle of the world’s economy, wiping out $5 trillion in wealth in two days.

He has called into question the rule of law by ignoring judicial orders, proposing impeachment of a federal judge who ruled against him, and by bullying, threatening and punishing law firms that had connections to lawyers who investigated him. Last month his lawyers refused to tell a federal court how they would comply with an order endorsed by the U.S. Supreme Court to explain how the administration would facilitate repatriation of a Maryland man wrongfully deported to a notorious prison in El Salvador. Trump is abolishing the Education Department, firing the government official in charge of protecting whistleblowers, cutting off funds for the nation’s public libraries and threatening to cut off Title 1 education funds for public schools unless they certify they have rooted out the bogeyman of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion. By the way, Title 1 money is intended for schools in poor areas.

Trump has warped DEI into a powerful sword. During the election, he claimed he was running against the DEI vice president. After the plane crash in D.C. and the fires in LA, DEI was a handy scapegoat but never the actual cause. Now, he is inferring that the 2023 Supreme Court decision ending affirmative action means all DEI must be forbidden in education and the workplace. 

In actuality, that is not what the Supreme Court said. An institution’s pursuit of DEI is protected under the First Amendment unless it results in illegal discrimination against a particular people. After all, the word “equal” is in the Declaration of Independence; the words over the entrance of the U.S. Supreme Court say: “Equal Justice Under Law.” It is the value that Abraham Lincoln singled out on the Gettysburg battlefield. Trump’s blunderbuss targeting of Harvard’s $2 billion in grants was announced without proof of discrimination or evidence that the university had failed to protect students from “divisive ideologies,” as Trump claims. Vice President JD Vance says universities are the “enemy” and both he and the president appear to be acting on that belief, having already brought Columbia to heel. Northwestern and Cornell are next on the list. 

Trump’s right-hand man — Elon Musk, the world’s richest man — has fired more than 200,000 federal employees as he and his DOGE acolytes run amok through agencies and their computer files, no matter the confidentiality. It is not clear how long Musk will be wreaking havoc on the government, despite recent reminders that his plan is to leave within the coming months. Nor has the government come up with an explanation of what exactly DOGE’s status is; members of the administration give conflicting accounts of its authority, membership, leadership and how much its employees are paid. Meanwhile, Trump fired the inspector generals who are the legitimate officials designated to root out waste, fraud and abuse. Musk’s grandiose boast that he would save $2 trillion in wasteful federal spending has shrunk and shrunk until it is $150 million, and that’s without full accounting for the cost of firing so many workers.    

At the same time that Trump’s tariffs have blown up free markets, destabilized the world’s financial system and undercut the dollar, he has coddled Russia, cut aid to Ukraine, obfuscated Russia’s role in starting the war, shunned NATO’s moves to protect the country and generally undermined the Atlantic alliance that U.S. presidents of all parties have sought to strengthen over the 80 years since World War II. The “shining city on the hill” that Ronald Reagan spoke of proudly as he confronted the Soviet Union has gone dark. Trump even turned off Radio Free Europe broadcasts into Russia. Last month Trump fired top national security officials at the behest of Laura Loomer, the far-right social media influencer who calls provocateur Roger Stone her mentor. It was Loomer who falsely claimed during the election campaign that Haitains were eating pets in Ohio — and in the past claimed that 9/11 was an inside job by U.S. intelligence officials. 

Loomer also complained to the White House in March about a Justice Department lawyer in Los Angeles whom she described as a Trump hater. The lawyer was fired an hour later. Shortly after taking over in January, the Trump Justice Department reenacted the so-called “Saturday Night Massacre,” of Watergate fame, by firing a dozen top lawyers who had worked on the criminal cases against the president. More lawyers, this time those who had worked on the Jan. 6 prosecutions, were fired a week later; lawyers have resigned, too, as we’ve seen prosecutors of Eric Adams, the mayor of New York, do upon being ordered to drop charges. The administration’s lawyer defending against a federal judge’s discovery of “grievous error” in the deportation of a Maryland man to a prison in El Salvador was fired for not arguing “zealous” enough.

Former St. Louisan and acting U.S. Attorney Ed Martin has enthusiastically served as Trump’s spear carrier, insisting that it was “unacceptable” for Georgetown Law School to “continue to teach and promote DEI” and demanding the school report to him that DEI has been removed from the curriculum. The dean refused on religious and constitutional grounds. Martin fired more than a dozen Justice Department lawyers and acknowledged in April that he had given more than 100 interviews in recent years to Russia Today and Sputnik parroting Putin talking points – this from the person who is now prosecutor in D.C. in charge of investigating and prosecuting Russian spies. Martin, without grounds, said he was investigating whether former President Biden was competent to issue pardons before leaving office. Jack Goldsmith, a conservative legal scholar who served in the Bush Justice Department, wrote that Martin shouldn’t be confirmed because “has wielded prosecutorial power recklessly and openly,” and is the worst example of the abusive powers that prosecutors can manipulate. Meanwhile, D. John Sauer was confirmed as solicitor general, the government’s top lawyer in the Supreme Court; as solicitor general of Missouri, Sauer led the frivolous legal effort by red states to try to overturn the 2020 presidential election. 

In addition, Trump has targeted big law firms in D.C. with connections to special counsels Jack Smith or Robert Mueller or other perceived enemies by imposing unprecedented sanctions that would make it impossible to function. This undermines the rule of law. Trump’s executive orders lift security clearances for all the firms’ lawyers, bar federal business, exclude them from federal buildings and require federal contractors to disclose whether they have used the firm. Beryl Howell, a judge for the U.S. District Court, temporarily blocked Trump’s order, saying it punished free speech; 500 law firms and 300 former judges filed a brief with the court asking the judge to permanently block the executive order. But some of the biggest firms, such as Paul, Weiss and Skadden, have capitulated and made a deal with the White House. New York Times conservative columnist David French said the firm was making Trump’s work easier — and his opponents’ work harder — by throwing in the towel before they even attempt to appeal to a legal system that should be built for exactly this moment.” Yet the number of law firms capitulating grows. Trump announced deals with five more firms in late April that pledged about $1 billion in pro bono work. Pro bono work is supposed to be for those who can’t afford a lawyer.

This accounting of Trump’s actions doesn’t include his most glaring absurdities, like renaming the Gulf of Mexico and Mount Denali while making belligerent advances on Greenland, Canada and Panama. And his promotion of bulldozing Gaza into his very own Mediterranean resort reflects America’s “Manifest Destiny,” which he dug up from some 19th century graveyard of bad ideas. Last month Trump issued an executive order — “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History” — assigning Vance to “save” the Smithsonian by “removing improper ideology” from the museums, followed by expected special emphasis on Black, women and Native American museums and exhibits. Trump took over the world-renowned Kennedy Center, appointing a new board that made him chair. He also canceled most of the programs funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities, including $250,000 for the Missouri History Museum. 

Although Trump has touted his administration as a rebirth of free speech, his EEOC subpoenaed personal information of hundreds of UC Berkeley professors who signed pro-Palestinian petitions about the war in Gaza. The EEOC claimed college campuses are “fostering antisemitism” and should lose federal funds. French, the conservative columnist said “the atmosphere for free speech in this country is the worst it’s been since the Red Scare. This might sound strange, but I’m actually more alarmed by the capitulation of so many powerful legal and academic institutions than I am by Trump’s unconstitutional demands…. to rely on the First Amendment, you have to have the courage to go to court, to sue the administration, to secure court rulings and then make the president defy the Supreme Court if he wants to continue his campaign of censorship.” In late April, came the report that the Naval Academy had removed 381 books from the Naval Academy Library, banning access to books like ones about the Holocaust and Maya Angelou’s “I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings.” Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville lost a $250,000 grant from the Institute for Museum and Library Services to train underrepresented students.

Meanwhile, hundreds of students around the country, including at the University of Illinois and Southern Illinois University Carbondale, received private notifications that their visas are canceled. Student newspapers have received dozens of inquiries from those who fear their columns or letters or photos in the newspaper could be used against them. The result, as the Stanford Daily put is, is “student speech, from our own reporters and those we’re reporting on, is startlingly chilled.” A recent Trump reversal on the visa revocations has left the situation confused, like much of Trump’s agenda.

AP was banned from the White House for not capitulating Trump’s renaming of the Gulf of Mexico, until a court told Trump the ban violated the First Amendment. Trump’s FCC chair Brendan Carr, depicted with his lapel pin showing a golden bust of Trump, has begun multifaceted investigations of national news organizations for reasons ranging from “news distortion,” DEI programs and running commercial ads on noncommercial public broadcast stations. Trump has said he would love to see public broadcasting defunded. As Trump reached his 100th day, the White House sent emails to three of the five members on the board of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting telling them they were dismissed; the board members immediately challenged the firings in court, maintaining the president doesn’t have the power to dismiss them. 

What is left is a welter of confusion with more than 200 lawsuits filed against Trump actions and 70 court orders blocking Trump’s path. Certainty and predictability have been replaced by chaos and confusion.

In this spring’s print issue, GJR told the story of Donald Trump’s unprecedented dismantling of institutions that are foundational to America’s role in the world as a leader of education, health research, human rights and the free exchange of ideas  — institutions that make America the most powerful nation in the world and the leader in humanity’s search for knowledge.

This is not a time for timidity when so much that our country can be proud of is being torn apart. The Congress is useless and the Supreme Court has been extremely cautious. Our future is in the hands of the people.

Foreign aid cuts hurt me — and all of us

As has happened to thousands of Americans in the past two months, my job recently disappeared with a stroke of the White House autopen.

I had been working on a USAID-funded contract to a U.S. university; our project was to develop online training courses for the staff of humanitarian and emergency relief programs worldwide. Then, on January 20, 2025, the White House issued an Executive Order on “Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid. This order lays out the new administration’s position that “The United States foreign aid industry and bureaucracy are not aligned with American interests and in many cases antithetical to American values.”

Four days later, Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a directive to the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development to “pause” all funding of foreign assistance programs pending “a review…to ensure they are efficient and consistent with U.S. foreign policy under the America First agenda.” (Four days after that, in response to backlash, Rubio remembered to add a “waiver” to exempt “life-saving humanitarian assistance.”)

By the time the waiver was issued, my project’s leadership had already been notified of “a 90-day pause for assessment of programmatic efficiencies and consistency with United States foreign policy.” All work on the project abruptly stopped. Six weeks later, in mid-March, the contract was formally cancelled.

Apparently, ensuring that humanitarian workers understand how to adhere to international humanitarian legal frameworks and deliver aid using best practices no longer fits with U.S. values. Foreign aid was among the first of many U.S. government policy areas facing drastic changes and cuts under the second Trump administration. Foreign aid was likely used as the test case because, unlike domestic programs, foreign aid never directly affects the majority of American voters. However, the effects of these cuts will harm us all over the long-term.

The impact of cutting foreign aid (including the destruction of the agency that managed its distribution) will be invisible to most Americans. But the effects will be wide and deep, both domestically and internationally. They will result, literally, in the deaths of many human beings (whose deaths will not be accurately counted, because data collection was also defunded) and in profound suffering for many more.

As I have already noted, one immediate effect of these cuts is the loss of livelihoods for myself, the thousands of people who worked directly for USAID, and the tens of thousands of people who worked for one of the contracted implementers (including not-for-profit organizations, businesses, and universities in the U.S. and around the world).

It also goes beyond the people drawing salaries directly funded by USAID. All of the people working for businesses and industries that supplied goods and services distributed through USAID projects and used by USAID offices worldwide have also had their livelihoods cut off. Notably, this includes a domestic constituency of the American farmers and others who supplied the materials these programs distributed.

In 2020, the government purchased $2 billion worth of food aid from American farmers. (Meanwhile, nearly $500 million worth of crops were reportedly left to rot in warehouses and ships due to the abrupt cuts.) Other commodities and services purchased by USAID from American companies include food processing, pharmaceuticals and medical supplies, transportation and shipping, office and industrial real estate, computers and technology, among others. This loss of income and stable employment creates significant difficulty for many of us.

And what about the impact on the literal millions of other people who were the intended beneficiaries of U.S. foreign assistance? The projections are still being honed, but the programs that have been axed go far beyond basic food aid. On the health docket, funding has been cut for routine vaccinations for measles and polio, among others, as well as for prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, mpox, and malaria. Other program areas included prevention of maternal mortality and cervical cancer, and supporting stronger public health systems around the world to monitor epidemics and provide preventive and curative health care.

The ripple effects of these cancellations will — probably sooner rather than later, if the current measles outbreak in the U.S. is any indication — come back to us. Diseases are transmitted across borders. Cuts to food aid, agricultural development and environmental protections will likely drive more desperate populations into conflict and violence as they seek to survive. Cuts to education, anti-corruption, and democracy building programs will undermine the stability and economic growth of low- and middle income countries. And destroying the organizations and institutions that have been implementing such programs undermines the existence of functioning civil societies.

Withdrawing USAID support also harms the global reputation of the U.S. at a time when many other countries (notably, but not only, China) are vying for global influence. The Washington Post editorial board noted that, “For many people around the world, aid is…the most visible symbol of U.S. power —soft power — and a tangible demonstration of America’s decency.” They conclude, “All in all, foreign aid is an extraordinarily effective policy tool…that makes the United States stronger.”

No one involved in foreign aid would deny that it is a complicated and fraught endeavor. (Indeed, my personal concerns about the way the industry operated drove me, over the last decade or so, to make career choices that felt more ethical but limited my personal professional opportunities and income.) But ending ongoing foreign assistance programs so hastily is the opposite of efficiency. One advocacy group cited a U.S. Government Accountability Office estimate that the shutdown of USAID alone created $3.34 billion in economic losses. Again, there are real arguments to be considered about whether and how to use U.S. government funds effectively and efficiently for foreign assistance, but this is patently not how it is happening.

It is also worth reviewing the methods by which foreign aid cuts have been implemented, as they served as one of the blueprints for the strategies used by the administration to demolish a wide range of domestic programs.

While the initial policy directives came from the Department of State, the newly created “Department of Government Efficiency” took the lead in executing the orders. (DOGE is led by “special government employee” Elon Musk, a billionaire entrepreneur with no government experience, but whose companies SpaceX and Tesla have received at least $18 billion in federal contracts in the past ten years.) Less than a week after the inauguration, DOGE staff invaded USAID’s headquarters, took over USAID’s systems, and began to shut down the agency. They fired the agency’s leadership, put most of the rest of the 10,000 staff on administrative leave and removed their access to all systems, and prevented the remaining staff from authorizing any payments (even for previously completed work for which payment was due).




DOGE deleted the agency’s website, removed its sign from the front of its headquarters, and instructed staff to shred or burn documents without following proper procedures. About 60% of USAID staff were living and working overseas — they were also told to halt work, and were then abandoned without guidance or financial assistance to return to the U.S.

The dust from this assault is still settling, as legal wrangling continues. But here is the situation as of March 27, 2025: according to a 281-page spreadsheet, 5341 previously approved USAID contracts have been summarily canceled. An additional 2100 State Department programs have also been axed. This means that the U.S. abruptly cut off funding for thousands of programs, like mine, that were in the middle of implementing carefully designed and approved programs. Management of the 898 remaining USAID contracts is being relocated to an office under the Department of State, placing foreign aid even more squarely in the political, rather than humanitarian, realm. Together with DOGE staff, this process was led by Pete Marocco, a controversial former USAID official who was fired in 2021 after expressing support for the January 6 insurrection. He has now been appointed to the State Department as director of foreign assistance.

The amount of money “saved” by the cuts is debatable — DOGE originally claimed it saved $12.4 billion, while others suggest it was closer to half of that. The total value of the terminated contacts is up to $75.9 billion. In 2023, the U.S. spent approximately $68 billion on (non-military) foreign aid. That sounds like a lot, but in fact it represents less than 1% of the entire federal budget. At that spending level, the U.S. ranked 25th among other donor countries in terms of the proportion of overall GDP spent on foreign aid.

Again, I concur that whether the U.S. government ought to be funding humanitarian aid, economic development, democracy-building, or health systems in other countries is a valid topic for debate — but no such debate was conducted before the administration acted unilaterally and indiscriminately.

Nor were the contracts carefully assessed for either consistency or efficiency. Indeed, the abrupt and indiscriminate cancellation of so many programs was patently inefficient (despite DOGE’s supposed aims). Furthermore, according to a U.S. District Court judge, these actions “likely violated” U.S. law “in multiple ways.” The judge ordered the government to reinstate certain functions and provide the remaining staff with access to the headquarters. However, despite the post facto judicial rebukes, and regardless of whether further appeals reverse the ruling, the infrastructure of the agency is already decimated.

It is not clear what will happen next with U.S. foreign assistance. As of this writing, the plan seems to be to dissolve USAID by the end of September 2025. Foreign assistance would then be handled by a U.S. Agency for International Humanitarian Assistance and the State Department. Some embassy-based aid positions would remain, but otherwise, foreign service officers would be responsible for administering assistance programs.

One more aside: while many organizations that received USAID funding were non-profit organizations or American businesses, I was working on a subcontract to an American university. The amount of government funding funneled to U.S. universities by USAID was exponentially smaller than that provided by the National Institutes of Health or the Departments of Energy, Education, Defense and Agriculture, among other federal agencies. But the cancellation of USAID-funded projects will have the same effects as these other larger cuts: undermining the U.S.’ ability to remain competitive in the world. Universities are already rescinding offers to newly accepted doctoral and medical students, meaning we are no longer training the next generation of researchers, leaders, and other professionals. Looking ahead, it seems probable that the deep cuts to the Department of Education will eventually reach federal student loan opportunities, on which the vast majority of students rely.

For years, American conservatives have argued that governments in low- and middle-income countries should be funding their own services and research, rather than relying on the U.S. and other donor countries to support them. Yet now, the U.S. is not even funding its own research and services. If universities receive neither research funding nor tuition, then these engines of education and innovation will grind to a halt, leaving the U.S. without the skills we need to build our own cities, grow and distribute our own food, provide healthcare to ourselves, our children, and our elders, and generally remain a leading global power. These effects will then reverberate globally.

Yes, I am freaking out about having lost my salary, and I’m devastated not to be able to make a contribution through the work I was doing. But I am even more concerned by what these cuts will mean for the U.S. and the world in the coming weeks, months, and years — and I think all Americans should be as well. The money the U.S. spends on foreign aid goes far beyond buying commodities, building infrastructure, or paying salaries. It buys us security through controlling threats and building good will for the U.S. This situation is the quintessential “cutting off our nose to spite our face” situation. Not only have we disfigured our national image by cutting foreign aid, I fear that in the end, we may be so badly wounded that we eventually end up bleeding out.

Georgetown Law says acting U.S. attorney’s campaign against DEI violates Jesuit values, First Amendment

Edward R. Martin Jr., known for decades in Missouri for his fervid devotion to Catholic values, was rebuked this month by the dean of Georgetown Law School for violating the Catholic principles in pressuring the university to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion from its curriculum.

Dean William M. Treanor sent a tartly worded letter to Martin, the acting U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, that his interference with the university curriculum violated both the First Amendment and the Catholic principle that “serious and sustained discourse among people of different faiths, cultures, and beliefs promotes intellectual, ethical and spiritual understanding.”

Martin’s demand that the Jesuit university alter its curriculum, is part a series of sweeping Trump administration actions that have chilled free speech on campus. The president maintained, however, in his speech to Congress last week that,“I’ve stopped all government censorship and brought back free speech in America. It’s back.”

The actions that the administration has taken against free speech are:

  • Taking away $400 million in federal funding from Columbia University for not adequately protecting Jewish students from pro-Palestinian protests and harassment. The action came only four days after the administration said it had opened an investigation, an extremely short time for such an investigation.
  • Sending 60 universities a letter stating they are under investigation by the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights for not protecting Jewish students from anti-Semitism. Illinois universities among the recipients of the letter included Northwestern and Illinois Wesleyan.
  • Detaining Mahmoud Khalil, a green card holder and leader of the Columbia protests, as well as threatening detention of other noncitizen students.
  • Trump posting last week on his Truth Social platform the threat: “All Federal Funding will STOP for any College, School, or University that allows illegal protests. Agitators will be imprisoned/or permanently sent back to the country from which they came. American students will be permanently expelled or, depending on on the crime, arrested. NO MASKS!”
  • Sending a Dear Colleague letter Feb. 14 to universities threatening consequences for covert discrimination it said was involved in DEI. The letter stated: “Educational institutions have toxically indoctrinated students with the false premise that the United States is built upon ‘systemic and structural racism’ and advanced discriminatory policies and practices” – citing DEI as an example of unlawful discrimination. 

These actions by the administration are violations of the First Amendment, said Greg Magarian, the Thomas and Karole Green Professor of Law at Washington University. 

He wrote in an email to GJR: “Threatening to defund colleges and universities over DEI or a supposed failure to suppress disfavored speech is an obvious First Amendment violation.  …we should understand these attacks on colleges and universities in their broader political context.  Trump is also trying to block research grants to universities, and congressional Republicans are threatening to heavily tax universities’ endowments.  Those measures, together with the First Amendment violations, represent a Republican effort to weaken universities as centers of political opposition, much like Republicans’ efforts over the past half century to weaken unions.

“His Truth Social post about illegal protests should chill and enrage anyone who cares about the First Amendment,” Magarian said. “There is no such thing as an ‘illegal protest.’  A ‘protest’ is a public assembly that seeks to send a message about some political issue.  A public assembly of any kind may become unlawful if law enforcement determines that the assembly threatens public order. However, the First Amendment explicitly protects the right of peaceable assembly.”

Magarian also criticized the deportation action against Khalil: “People we welcome into the United States should have the same speech protections as citizens, with only limited exceptions for speech rights directly tied to citizenship (such as the right to contribute money to political candidates).  Citizens should have full access to noncitizens’ insights.  We should never empower the government to punish ideas it opposes, no matter the source of those ideas.”

FIRE, the libertarian group that often protects conservative campus speech, also criticized the action against Khalil, writing, “There are millions of people lawfully present in the United States without citizenship. The administration’s actions will cause them to self-censor rather than risk government retaliation. Lawful permanent residents and students on visas will fear a knock on the door simply for speaking their minds.”

The job of attorney general for the District of Columbia, a position Martin has held since Trump was sworn in, entails prosecuting people suspected of violating federal criminal law. But he wrote Georgetown Law School that he also takes seriously requests for clarification and information and he had begun an inquiry based on reliable information that “Georgetown Law School continues to teach and promote DEI.”

“This is unacceptable,” he added. He demanded that the law school tell him by the end of February if DEI “has been removed from the curriculum.” Martin went on to say his office wouldn’t hire graduates of Georgetown if the school did not remove DEI from its curriculum.

Dean Treanor replied March 6 that Martin’s letter “challenges Georgetown’s ability to define our mission as an educational institution. He wrote that the “First Amendment guarantees that the government cannot direct what Georgetown or its faculty teach and how to teach it.”

Because the First Amendment does not allow the government to interfere with the university’s curriculum, Martin’s threat not to hire its graduates because of that curriculum is also a violation of the First Amendment, Treanor said. He added that it was also “an attack on the university’s mission as a Jesuit and Catholic institution.”

Martin graduated from Saint Louis University Law School, a Jesuit institution, after having attended Holy Cross and the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome.

Separate from the Georgetown dispute, Martin faces a professional misconduct complaint filed by Sen. Richard J. Durbin, D-Il, and other congressional Democrats. It accuses Martin of having dismissed criminal charges against Jan. 6 defendants even though he represented some of them and raised money for their defense as part of his active role in denying that Trump lost the 2020 election.

The complaint to the Office of Disciplinary Counsel of the D.C. Court of Appeals accuses Martin of “dismissing charges against his own client and using the threat of prosecution to intimidate government employees and chill the speech of private citizens.” 

William H. Freivogel is the publisher of GJR. He was deputy Washington bureau chief of the Post-Dispatch in the 1980s and 90s.

Opinion: The month that shook our world

French publication Le Monde headlined this week that it was “The week the US shook Europe’s world.”

Americans could justifiably say it’s the month that shook ours.

There is no precedent for President Donald Trump’s massive restructuring of the government with a flurry of executive orders, pronouncements, firings and pardons that have overturned norms, violated laws and demoralized civil servants.

Renaming the Gulf of Mexico and Mt. Denali. Proposing real estate deals for Greenland, Gaza, the new Riviera. Threatening to retake the Panama Canal and to make Canada a 51st State, all as part of our Manifest Destiny. Who would have thought that ugly doctrine would be revived in the 21st Century?

And that doesn’t even include the administration actions that Le Monde said rocked Europe’s world. An American vice president actually went to Munich of all places to give comfort to right-wingers in the name of free speech, while back home the president blamed Ukraine for the war. “You (Ukraine) should have ended it three years ago,” Trump told reporters in Florida. “You should never have started it.”

Everyone else in the world knows Vladimir Putin started the war. No wonder Ukraine called Trump a Russian-made “disinformation space” on Wednesday.

A year ago, former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice gave a speech about the fabulous success of the post-World War II international order created by the United States in the form of NATO, international trade organizations and the support of democracy around the world.

Trump and Vice President JD Vance upended that seven-decade American project in just a weekend, sending Europe into chaos.

If anyone stands in the way of Trump’s bully-boy tactics, they are swept aside. The Associated Press had the temerity not to change the name of the Gulf of Mexico. So Trump banned them from his White House and his plane. He and his press secretary accused the AP of having its facts wrong. The facts he is talking about are the facts according to Donald Trump. If America’s new emperor is willing to embarrass himself by declaring the Gulf of Mexico the Gulf of America, then everyone around him must claim it is true, even if the Gulf of Mexico is 425 years old.

Shockingly, the timid tech titans who paid millions for the privilege to grovel before Trump on the inaugural stand were only too happy to abandon the name of almost half a millennium in favor of one ruler’s whim.

Meanwhile, the biggest tech titan of them all, the richest man in the world, the owner of the information juggernaut X and master of 7,000 satellites whirling around the earth, has taken a wrecking ball to Washington, sending his Gen Z tech wizards prying into income taxes and Social Security information and running government numbers through their artificial intelligence machines looking for targets to fire.

The results are wild and false claims about millions of USAID money going to Chelsea Clinton’s wedding and Musk’s Monday claim on X: “Having tens of millions of people marked in Social Security as “ALIVE” when they are definitely dead is a HUGE problem. Obviously. Some of these people would have been alive before America existed as a country. Think about that for a second….”

Well he must not have thought about it because it isn’t true. 

It’s impossible, it turns out, to get a straight answer on what Elon Musk’s actual job is. Everyone thought he was head of DOGE. But the White House and its lawyers said in a court filing this week that he isn’t. Trump himself said the best title for Musk was “patriot.”

Tell that to the New York firefighters who found that DOGE had cut funding for a health study of firefighters who fought the blazes at the World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001. Musk’s team deemed the study “nonessential,” one of the few Trump actions that Republican members of Congress joined in criticizing.

What is certain about DOGE is that tens of thousands of government workers are losing their jobs.

Those poor souls assigned to DEI were just the low-hanging fruit. It almost went without saying that diversity, equity and inclusion was woke speak that threatened the meritocracy and had to go – even if each of those values had something to say for them. After all aren’t we all created equal?

It was especially ironic because Trump was eliminating DEI hires in the name of meritocracy even as he named the least meritorious cabinet in memory – a manager of the huge Pentagon who never had managed anything, an intelligence czar who often supported Putin, an FBI director who calls the FBI the deep state, an Attorney General who denies the 2020 election, a head of HHS who believes in anti-health conspiracy theories.

Before Trump took office, the United States was the unchallenged leader of the world when it came to medical and scientific research. But with each passing day this proud leadership role is being dismantled.

Federal support for the overhead infrastructure of medical research is being slashed, with Washington University in St. Louis one of the places that stands to lose the most. Young researchers at the National Institutes of Health are out as are young employees at the National Science Foundation and education researchers in the Department of Education.

There was a modern-day Saturday Night Massacre at the Justice Department when top Justice Department officials refused Trump’s demand to dismiss an indictment against Mayor Eric Adams of New York so that Adams could better cooperate in expelling immigrants. The acting U.S. Attorney who stood up for the rule of law, Danielle Sassoon, wrote in her resignation letter that she was making the decision based on her conservative mentors.

She wrote:  “I clerked for the Honorable J. Harvie Wilkinson III on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, and for Justice Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Supreme Court. Both men instilled in me a sense of duty to contribute to the public good and uphold the rule of law, and a commitment to reasoned and thorough analysis.”

Meanwhile, Ed Martin, the St. Louis lawyer who was pushed out as chief of staff to Missouri Gov. Matt Blunt, has taken over the U.S. Attorney’s office in the District of Columbia and has fired lawyers who were involved in the Jan. 6 prosecutions while he pursues more federal agents involved in the case. Martin, an organizer of “Stop the Steal,” now is leading the Trump revenge tour.

On Wednesday, Martin sent out an all-staff memo announcing a new “Operation Whirlwind” investigation of those using strong and threatening language against Musk and public officials. The name comes from a 2020 speech Sen. Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer made predicting Trump had “released the whirlwind and…will pay the price” for rushing confirmation of justices to overturn Roe v. Wade. Schumer apologized for the strong language at the time and said he had meant a political whirlwind of opposition, not a threat to his person. But Martin insisted in a Feb. 11 letter that Schumer explain himself. Martin wrote that it was “a personal disappointment and professionally unacceptable” that Schumer had not responded his inquiries challenging the five year-old statement.  

As for ethics, Trump dismissed the head of the Office of Special Counsel, Hampton Dellinger, whose office is to protect merit system employees and especially whistleblowers from retaliation. On the waste fraud and abuse front Trump also fired the inspector generals who try to make the agencies function efficiently.

Will the Supreme Court stand up to Trump? It’s an open question in that a number of the justices in the conservative majority are enamored of the theory that a unified executive should be able to dismiss agency heads even if Congress passed laws saying he couldn’t fire them without cause. One must wonder what is going through the heads of these justices as they see some of their best clerks standing up to the abuses of that unified, unleashed executive.

Trump says American culture will be great again now that he has fired the Kennedy Center board and appointed lackeys who agreeably made him the chairman. 

Our family lived in Bethesda for the 12 years that we worked in the Washington bureau of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The notion that the president would make himself the head of the Kennedy Center would have been laughable, almost Stalinesque.

Our neighbors back then worked at the NIH, the EPA, on Capitol Hill. They were good, patriotic people who worked hard every day for the American people.

That was the 1980s and it was a time when the Reagan Revolution came to town. The Reagan Revolution is the closest comparison for what Trump is doing.

Reagan changed civil rights policies, including Justice Department support for school desegregation in St. Louis. He tried to give tax breaks to Bob Jones University, a segregationist academy. He tried to end affirmative action. He broke the air traffic controllers union and talked about welfare queens in Cadillacs as he cut taxes for those who actually drove Cadillacs. He campaigned in Philadelphia, Mississippi, to cultivate the southern white boys in the town where civil rights workers were murdered. And he too had talked about taking back the Panama Canal.

But Reagan was a different man than Trump. He didn’t throw out the norms of decency. He had a sense of humor instead of coining phrases to ridicule opponents. He often spoke humbly, not as a braggart. It’s safe to say the Reagan White House would never have released a “LONG LIVE THE KING” illustration showing Trump smiling with a crown on his head after overturning New York’s congestion pricing.

Reagan worked out an immigration compromise with Democrats instead of warring against immigrants. And he helped bring down that wall, that Iron Curtain. He’d be shocked that a Republican successor is helping Putin recreate a 21st century version of oppression.

William H. Freivogel is the publisher of GJR. He was deputy Washington bureau chief of the Post-Dispatch in the 1980s and 90s.